Wed. Nov 13th, 2024

The prisons in western Libya have begun to form a bleak picture that not only affects the security situation, but also makes the political solution dependent on the authority of the security circles distributed between the armed factions and the expired government in Tripoli.

The security situation in western Libya is a source of reconsideration of the political form that the Dbeibeh government is sponsoring. Regardless of the clashes documented by the media between the armed factions, there is a more serious issue that has grown in the shadows through the spread of random arrests and the conditions of local prisons.

These practices carried out by militias with wide authority are at the same time part of the violence practiced by the government through these groups and reveal a reality in which human rights violations are widespread and seeks to subjugate political forces and opposition voices.

Random arrests and detention

A number of prisons affiliated with militias are spread throughout western Libya, and despite not declaring them or even trying to hide them from the media, they have become known through the accounts of Libyans themselves who have been arrested, in addition to prisons affiliated with the judiciary, such as Al-Jadida and Al-Hadhba prisons, in which cases of arrest and long-term detention without trial have been documented.

There are prisons in Wadi al-Shati, Murzuq, Ubari, Sabha and Qatrun, which belong to local armed groups, and their conditions are unknown, in addition to the First Company Prison, which is headed by a colonel in the judicial police, and houses 20 inmates in poor conditions.

The most famous of the prisons is Mitiga, which belongs to the Deterrence Forces, and in which a special authority is exercised that is not linked to authorities buts of citizens, as individuals are arrested according to special considerations, as it is mostly designated for political opponents or activists or even those who were in the wrong place at the wrong time, and is located inside the Mitiga Air Base east of the capital, Tripoli, and is about 8 kilometers east of the center of Tripoli, inside the Mitiga Air Base, and is not subject to the supervision of the Public Prosecution or the judicial authorities, but is directly managed by the Deterrence Force.

Mitiga prison is considered the largest detention center in western Libya, housing more than 12,000 detainees. Diseases are spreading among detainees due to the inhumane conditions, and many release decisions have not been implemented. Human rights reports have documented cases of long-term detention without trial, and some detainees remain detained even after the end of their prison terms.

It is also considered one of the most dangerous detention centers in Libya, where serious human rights violations are committed. Some reports have documented torture and other violations against detainees, and a mass hunger strike has taken place in protest against arbitrary detention and ill-treatment.

A prominent example of this is the case of prisoner Hassan al-Ferjani, a member of parliament who was arrested in mysterious circumstances by the Deterrence Forces in February 2023. Despite an order from the Public Prosecutor for his release, al-Ferjani remains in detention, highlighting the extent to which these militias disregard legal procedures. Al-Ferjani’s brother and cousin were also arrested while visiting the military prosecutor’s office, which illustrates the nature of the violations that occur even outside the prison walls and highlights the power of the militias within the various security circles.

The arrest of Russian sociologist Maxim Shugaley is one of the cases that illustrates the violation of all laws in the matter of detention. Shugaley, who heads the Fund for the Protection of National Values ​​in Russia, was arrested in the Libyan capital, Tripoli, on May 17, 2019, accompanied by his translator, Samer Suwaifan. This arrest took place outside any legal framework, and based on intelligence information from a foreign country, believed to be the United States, according to the head of the Supreme Council of State in Libya, Khaled al-Mishri, and former Minister of the Interior, Fathi Bashagha. They were detained in Mitiga prison and were only released through negotiations between Russia and the Tripoli government in December 2020.

A Russian documentary was produced on the subject, entitled “Shugaley”, which tells the story of his arrest and imprisonment in Libya, and highlights the difficulties he faced in prison and the violations he was subjected to. A journalistic investigation was also shown on the “What is Hidden is Greater” program on Al Jazeera, which revealed secret documents and correspondence related to the case, and conducted exclusive interviews with Shugaley after his release, in which he denied being a military man and confirmed that he was working as a sociologist.

As is the case with Abdullah al-Senussi, the director of military intelligence under the late Libyan President Muammar Gaddafi, who has been detained in Maitika prison since 2012, his daughter repeatedly appealed for treatment for her father, who is suffering from cancer. She reported from him during her last visit that he was being slowly killed and was not being allowed to see doctors, indicating that her parents were facing an unknown fate, the outcome of which is unknown.

The nature of the arbitrary arrests and the conditions inside Libyan prisons have drawn widespread criticism from international human rights organizations. These practices not only violate legal standards, but also contribute to the continued instability in the region, and the use of detention as a tool to impose control, suppress dissent, and undermine efforts to achieve justice and reconciliation in Libya.

The involvement of militias such as the Deterrence Forces in the prison system highlights the overlapping lines of authority between the state and militias in Libya. While these groups justify their actions on the grounds of security, their practices often resemble those of criminal organizations rather than legitimate security forces. The lack of oversight and accountability has allowed these groups to operate above the law, contributing to a cycle of violence and abuse.

The issue of arbitrary arrests and the dire conditions in local prisons is a fundamental part of the broader Libyan crisis. As long as militias retain unlimited power, they will inevitably influence political decisions related to dialogue, the adoption of a constitution, and elections.

Addressing these issues requires political will that is not tied to the authority in Tripoli but to the interests of Libyans as a whole, because postponing the political process and overturning understandings to hold elections is ultimately part of the political weakness of the Tripoli government, whose interests are intertwined with those of armed groups.

Written By Nidal Al-Khedary

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