Ahmad 
The spread of corruption in Libya is no longer a normal issue, as it forms a network within the outgoing national unity government in Tripoli, and constitutes an effective force within state institutions, especially security ones.
Investigative journalism in Libya has become a clear target for the corruption network, as media professionals are exposed to threats and pressures that lead to kidnapping and arrest. The arrest of journalist Ahmed Al-Senussi was only one example of what journalists suffer as a result of corruption reaching the state apparatus, as Libya is considered one of the ten worst corrupt countries in the world according to the organization’s index. Transparency International.
The problem appeared after 2011 due to political instability, security chaos, and the spread of armed groups.
Corruption issues continue
Although Libya has signed the United Nations Convention against Corruption, there are challenges in implementing the agreement and enforcing the laws, as organizations specialized in combating corruption face obstacles that limit the effectiveness of their efforts, and financial and administrative corruption constitute a special case that often leads to sharp confrontations with the press, which pursues These files.
The Dbeibeh government is forced to open investigations into corruption cases under media pressure or as a result of international reports that are “embarrassing” to it, and often as a result of conflicts within state institutions, such as investigations into British reports that talked about the presence of corruption practices in the oil sector, which led to The presence of two ministers in the same ministry.
Since 2019, the Libyan Audit Bureau’s report revealed major financial irregularities, as expenditures for the Presidential Council included 32 million Libyan dinars, while the destination for spending a total of 37,431 million dinars was not clarified.
In 2021, the Minister of Health, Ali El-Zanati, and his deputy, Samir Koko, were imprisoned due to their involvement in financial and administrative corruption cases, which included the illegal use of public funds and tampering with government tenders. One of the famous cases is what happened in 2021, when the Oil Corporation deposited $2.275 billion in an account. The Ministry of Finance, while another document indicated an amount of $2.346 billion, which means there is a difference of $71 million. The reasons for this difference have not been fully explained.
But the oil issue was not the only issue, as there are issues that affect the daily lives of Libyans, such as the embezzlement of medical equipment in the municipality of Harawa, and what the Public Prosecution also recorded of corruption that affected municipal councils, corruption in diplomatic missions, and the continued smuggling of Libyan gold, as observers described the situation in Libya as “power.” Kleptocracy,” meaning “rule by thieves.”
The arrest case of Ahmed Al-Senussi
On July 13, 2024, the journalist Ahmed Al-Senussi, owner of the “Sada” economic newspaper and presenter of the “Flosna” program on the “Al-Wasat” channel, was kidnapped by the security forces affiliated with the Dbeibeh government. This kidnapping came against the backdrop of Al-Senussi’s investigations into corruption cases related to the Ministry of Economy in National unity government.
At that time, the “Al-Wasat” Media Foundation announced in a statement that Al-Senussi had been detained by the Internal Security Service, without explaining the reasons for this detention or revealing his fate. This arrest sparked a wave of local and international protests, and the “Sada” economic newspaper and the “Al-Wasat” channel issued a statement condemning He was kidnapped and demands that his fate be revealed and that clear charges be brought against him. The Libyan Center for Freedom of the Press also expressed its concern about the arbitrary arrest of Al-Senussi, calling on the Libyan government to take immediate action to release him.
The arrest process, which lasted for three days, was an extension of the pressure that Al-Sada newspaper was subjected to, as the managing editor of the “Sada” economic newspaper, Inaam Azouz, had previously received threats and demands to reveal her journalistic sources, after publishing official documents issued by the Audit Bureau and the Oversight Authority. Administrative, and according to the information that was published later, Al-Senussi’s arrest came due to his publication of facts contained in the Audit Bureau’s report on the Ministry of Economy in the Dbeibeh government. The publication of this information angered some leaders of the Ministry of Economy, which prompted them to use the Internal Security Service to arrest and intimidate Al-Senussi, despite his release. From Ahmed Al-Senussi without an official explanation of the reasons for his arrest, but the matter is seen by the Libyan media as a form of intimidation, and an attempt to neutralize media professionals from dealing in corruption cases, especially when they affect government figures or those linked to direct relations with the Dbeibeh government.
The phenomenon of kidnapping by security services, or even armed groups, of officials and activists in western Libya is a growing issue and is evident in the use of these operations as a means to achieve political and financial gains, as well as to settle scores.
These kidnappings highlight the power of armed militias and the exacerbation of the phenomenon of corruption. These operations are characterized by their implementation by armed groups with multiple agendas, as the kidnapped persons are detained for short periods before their release. Tripoli witnessed several incidents such as the storming of the information and documentation headquarters of the Ministry of Economy, and the kidnapping of its director, Hussein Lamouchi.
The picture of corruption in Libya shows that the media is not the only target, as all state institutions can become victims in the event of a conflict with the interests of the Libyan power centers, and the press here is no longer only a space for revealing facts objectively, but also a main target point for most of the corruption agencies that have come to see it as a threat. Therefore, although the media that publishes the facts has not yet reached the power of the fourth estate in Libya, it is still part of the attempts that seek to support Libyan society and create public opinion capable of influencing.
Written by Nidal Al-Khedary
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